WAPO admits to Bilderburg

here.  It’s an interview with the current director, “Viscount Etienne Davignon, corporate director and former European Commissioner”:

“I don’t think (we are) a global ruling class because I don’t think a global ruling class exists. I simply think it’s people who have influence interested to speak to other people who have influence,” Viscount Davignon says.

“Bilderberg does not try to reach conclusions – it does not try to say ‘what we should do’. Everyone goes away with their own feeling and that allows the debate to be completely open, quite frank – and to see what the differences are.

“Business influences society and politics influences society – that’s purely common sense. It’s not that business contests the right of democratically-elected leaders to lead”.

There seems to be a lot of “we don’t conspire, we don’t agree on things, we don’t run the world.  We just meet and talk.  It’s business, not running the world governments.”

To which, I will simply quote from an interview with John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man.  Tell me if can spot where government and business part ways.

JOHN PERKINS: Well, I was initially recruited while I was in business school back in the late sixties by the National Security Agency, the nation’s largest and least understood spy organization; but ultimately I worked for private corporations. The first real economic hit man was back in the early 1950’s, Kermit Roosevelt, the grandson of Teddy, who overthrew of government of Iran, a democratically elected government, Mossadegh’s government who was Time’s magazine person of the year; and he was so successful at doing this without any bloodshed-well, there was a little bloodshed, but no military intervention, just spending millions of dollars and replaced Mossadegh with the Shah of Iran. At that point, we understood that this idea of economic hit man was an extremely good one. We didn’t have to worry about the threat of war with Russia when we did it this way. The problem with that was that Roosevelt was a C.I.A. agent. He was a government employee. Had he been caught, we would have been in a lot of trouble. It would have been very embarrassing. So, at that point, the decision was made to use organizations like the C.I.A. and the N.S.A. to recruit potential economic hit men like me and then send us to work for private consulting companies, engineering firms, construction companies, so that if we were caught, there would be no connection with the government.

AMY GOODMAN: Okay. Explain the company you worked for.

JOHN PERKINS: Well, the company I worked for was a company named Chas. T. Main in Boston, Massachusetts. We were about 2,000 employees, and I became its chief economist. I ended up having fifty people working for me. But my real job was deal-making. It was giving loans to other countries, huge loans, much bigger than they could possibly repay. One of the conditions of the loan-let’s say a $1 billion to a country like Indonesia or Ecuador-and this country would then have to give ninety percent of that loan back to a U.S. company, or U.S. companies, to build the infrastructure-a Halliburton or a Bechtel. These were big ones. Those companies would then go in and build an electrical system or ports or highways, and these would basically serve just a few of the very wealthiest families in those countries. The poor people in those countries would be stuck ultimately with this amazing debt that they couldn’t possibly repay. A country today like Ecuador owes over fifty percent of its national budget just to pay down its debt. And it really can’t do it. So, we literally have them over a barrel. So, when we want more oil, we go to Ecuador and say, “Look, you’re not able to repay your debts, therefore give our oil companies your Amazon rain forest, which are filled with oil.” And today we’re going in and destroying Amazonian rain forests, forcing Ecuador to give them to us because they’ve accumulated all this debt. So we make this big loan, most of it comes back to the United States, the country is left with the debt plus lots of interest, and they basically become our servants, our slaves. It’s an empire. There’s no two ways about it. It’s a huge empire. It’s been extremely successful.

Mow back to the BBC interview with the Bilderberg guy, Viscount Etienne Davignon:

‘Secret Government’

This has led to accusations that the group pushes its favoured politicians into high office. But Viscount Davignon says his steering committee are simply excellent talent spotters. The steering committee “does its best assessment of who are the bright new boys or girls in the beginning phase of their career who would like to get known.”

“It’s not a total accident, but it’s not a forecast and if they go places it’s not because of Bilderberg, it’s because of themselves,” Viscount Davignon says.

But its critics say Bilderberg’s selection process gives an extra boost to aspiring politicians whose views are friendly to big business. None of this, however, is easy to prove – or disprove.

Observers like Will Hutton argue that such private networks have both good and bad sides. They are unaccountable to voters but, at the same time, they do keep the international system functioning. And there are limits to their power – a point which Bilderberg chairman was keen to stress, “When people say this is a secret government of the world I say that if we were a secret government of the world we should be bloody ashamed of ourselves.”

Informal and private networks like Bilderberg have helped to oil the wheels of global politics and globalisation for the past half a century. In the eyes of critics they have undermined democracy, but their supporters believe they are crucial to modern democracy’s success. And so long as business and politics remain mutually dependent, they will continue to thrive.

Ahem.